The former minister Salvador IllaPSOE candidate for the Catalan elections on May 12, has Pedro Sánchez's investiture partners searching under all the rugs he has trodden in public management to see if they can find any weak flank with which to attack him in the electoral campaign.
The masks, the pandemic, health management, contracts and the shadow of the “Koldo case” keep the pro-independence partners busy, especially Carles Puigdemont's team, for whom their people are searching in different ways for a “hanger” with the to give substance in some way to the slander that circulates in Madrid's cenacles, but which until now have not been substantiated into anything that really affects the former minister.
There are people “working” only on this, in finding the mud with which to tarnish Sánchez's candidate, who has become the first hunting object in these elections for Puigdemont and Junts. The fugitive from Spanish Justice is beginning to receive data that announces a drop in ERC in seats that benefits his party, once he announced that he is running for the Presidency of the Generalitat with the expectation that this time his candidacy will be possible. return to Catalonia.
Therefore, in the war within the independence movement Junts believes that the winds are beginning to blow more in their favor than CKD. His first goal is to gain seats from the Republicans, thus claiming Puigdemont the personal revenge on Oriol Junqueras that he has been dreaming of since he fled Spain to avoid answering the pending accounts he has with Justice.
The PP launches coded messages about Sánchez's wife because it knows what will continue to be published
The second goal for Puigdemont is Illa, that the victory of the socialist announced by the polls in votes and seats is as weak as possible. If the independence movement does not obtain a majority, and Junts remains the second force in the Parliament, Puigdemont's entourage already anticipates that Sánchez and the PSC “will have to sweat blood”».
Politics today is like a dunghill in which the drive of the electoral campaigns that have been thrown back into the calendar is not in the programmatic, but in seeing who can throw the most mud at the opponent. In that sense, the coalition government has a clear disadvantage in the investigation commission that they have created in Congress compared to the one that the PP has launched in the Senate.
The PP has the absolute majority in the Upper House to control the calendar and agenda of parliamentary work. The PSOE, in this, as in everything else, is in the hands of its partners, and Puigdemont, to start with one of them, is not interested in this parliamentary framework serving to enhance Illa's management or the socialist brand and weaken that of the PP. The PP is not its competitor in the Catalan elections, and if it is necessary to make contact with the Popular Party, it will do so, not because there is even a negotiation involved, but because of a circumstantial coincidence of interests, regardless of the absolute difference that exists between them. separates the issue of the territorial question or the fiscal pact and the self-determination referendum.
The popular leadership saves important letters for the Senate commission. Some of them directly affect Begoña Gómez, the wife of the President of the Government., and to understand the coded messages sent by some of the main popular leaders, it is necessary to assess that it seems that they are aware of the basic points of the information dossier that, little by little, will be channeled through the media. This is what gives meaning to those enigmatic messages from Alberto Núñez Feijóo, pointing, for example, to the environment of the President of the Government, warning him at the headquarters of national sovereignty that “at home” he does not like the things he says and presenting him , practically, as a hostage to a situation in which the denial of the facts that point to possible influence peddling will turn against them.
Puigdemont goes for Illa; the PP, for Sánchez, via his wife. At the same time, the popular leadership is not concerned about the summons in the Congressional commission of the president of the Community of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, who they say “is in such a moment of connection” with the popular voter that there is nothing that can wear it down: “she is still in a state of grace and the left-wing campaign only affects her among voters who have not voted for her and never will”.
They will summon the president and his wife when the known information gives more strength to their “paseíllo”
In the same way that the independence movement, and Junts, in particular, are fixated on Illa, in Moncloa they also place their entire arsenal in a position to serve the former minister's cause. An example is the super presence that the former president of the Government José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero will once again have in the Catalan campaign. He will be in the Basque Country, but he will focus on Catalonia, which is where the future of the Legislature is at stake.
Moncloa denies that there is anything in Illa's file that could cause him to be brought down, and they are fully confident that Puigdemont's emergence will swing votes within the independence movement, but will not affect Illa's projection. Furthermore, in his analysis, that sovereignty has once again locked itself in the fight to see who bids higher in relation to the referendum and other issues that come from the “procés” stage. it only expands the space for the former minister to attract the entire vote of the Catalans who are tired of sovereignist daydreams and worried about the deficits of the Republicans' management.
The former Minister of Health and candidate lands the campaign on the drought or on the situation of Catalan public health: and if he is able to cover up the sovereign duel with that, the result of May 12 is at stake.