“He police racism represented in 2025 12.81% of the total cases of discrimination registereds, consolidating itself as one of the main manifestations of institutional discrimination.” This is one of the arguments put forward by the group led by Yolanda Díaz to question the work of the State Security Forces and Corps, which they accuse of carrying out “racial profiling practices” over the past two years.
In a document registered in the Congress of Deputies and sent to the Ministry of the Interior for its response, they allude to different complaints from social and human rights organizations. They talk about a “structural pattern”, which places the “racialized people as a preferred target” of police checks and they rule out that these are isolated events. Furthermore, alluding to alleged undetermined studies, they claim that foreign or racialized people are between 3 and 7 times more likely to be identified by the Police than people of Spanish nationality, “even in the absence of objective indications of infringement.”
In its statement of reasons, the Sumar Parliamentary Group also focuses on the controversial arrest in March of this year of Serigne Mbaye, former Podemos deputy in the Madrid Assembly and spokesperson for the manteros union. The group insists that it was another arrest with a clear racial profile, which shows the sustained use over time of this type of attitude among the State Security Forces and Bodies. A version that is far from that offered by the police unions that described the actions of the agents as “legitimate” and “necessary” in the face of the suspects’ “violent and defiant” attitude.
“Trap dates” for foreigners
They also resort, in their argument, to the mass identifications in the Lavapiés neighborhood (Madrid) in November 2025, the complaints made in March 2026 by SOS Racismo about controls based on racial profiling and referrals to Foreigner Detention Centers through mechanisms such as the so-called “trap dates”. Furthermore, they emphasize that this type of police action “has a low penal effectiveness rate, with sanction percentages lower than 10%”.
It should be noted, however, that this is not the first time that this formation, together with Podemos, has attacked the State Security Forces and Bodies. In fact, in February of this same year, it was Díaz’s formation that also demanded to know through a writing in the Lower House how many complaints or internal investigations had been registered against the agents in the last year for hate crimes, racism or discriminatory behavior. He also questioned the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, about whether he was aware of similar facts that demonstrated the existence of a pattern.
Crusade against the police
Because its objective, after all, is prove that the Spanish Police is “racist”. For this reason, in his writing before the Congress of Deputies he insists on finding out “What is the number of police identifications carried out by the State Security Forces and Bodies since January 1, 2025? And he wants it broken down by “territory, nationality of the identified person, reason for identification and result of the action”.
At this point, he poses what appears to be the key question that would demonstrate his entire theory on institutional racism: “How many disciplinary actions have been initiated within the National Police in relation to possible racial profiling practices derived from complaints filed during that same period and how many of them have concluded with a sanction?” Or what is the same, How many officers have been sanctioned for racist actions.
Finally, Sumar also wants to make it clear that the number of sanctions imposed after arrests or identifications is minimal, so Their objective was none other than to arrest racialized people. Thus, they ask the Interior about the number of police actions that involved multiple identification of people or intensive population controls, as well as the number of people identified and the results of said actions, “including arrest or sanction rates.”
Sumar’s crusade against the agents is not new. And although on occasion Yolanda Díaz’s training has shown its support when demanding salary improvements, the support for her actions is very different. So much so that they were the precursors, together with Unidas Podemos, of the controversial reform of the Citizen Security Law, better known as the “gag law.” Sumar presented an Organic Law Proposal that left the agents unprotected before the campaigns of accusation, harassment and persecution against them, as the police unions denounced. And all of this, once again, in the face of the silence of the Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska.