Víctor de Aldama continues to set the political and judicial agenda of the Government. At the Moncloa they watch with frustration the drip of information and revelations that arise from the “corrupting nexus” of the plot and assume that they will have to draw up an alternative strategy to the mere refusal that they have maintained until now. The discourse that “there is nothing”, which they have been transmitting for months, is already showing signs of wear and tear and the Government has decided to go on the offensive. In this sense, the Ministry of Transport – which is currently headed by Óscar Puente and on which the main suspicions weigh – has decided to start its own internal investigation to clarify the basis for the commission agent’s accusations. This represents, in short, a shift in the reaction to the accusations: from denying all credibility to Víctor de Aldama to trying to dismantle him with data.
“Bad news for Aldama,” the head of Transport said yesterday in statements to “La Sexta”, anticipating that in a first analysis of the public contracts that, according to the commission agent, were awarded in exchange for “bribes”, there is no evidence of any apparent irregularity. The minister reveals that there would be indications and evidence of the falsehoods that the alleged commissioner of the “Koldo case”, Víctor de Aldama, has presented against the former minister José Luis Ábalos. “What we are seeing, at least in the initial study, is that what he has said does not make any sense, neither head nor tail,” he said. The idea of Transport is to issue a report, once they review all the documentation, and send the main conclusions to the judge, who in Moncloa considers that Aldama is “teasing” them.
Specifically, within the contracts that Aldama points out there would be two from the previous stage, from the Minister of Development of the PP era, Íñigo de la Serna; two contracts from the socialist minister Raquel Sánchez and only one contract signed during the time of José Luis Ábalos. “You will have to demonstrate if there is any type of rigging in the contract,” say government sources, who point out that the charging of commissions to companies for interceding in business does not involve any irregularity. In Moncloa they maintain that Aldama “has not provided any conclusive evidence” until now to demonstrate the irregularities he denounces. “It’s science fiction,” say executive sources, who continue to demand “papers” to support the serious accusations. “More than worrying us, we are outraged,” they maintain from the Council of Ministers, evidencing the frustration generated by not being able to defend themselves in the face of the incessant drip of information that arises from the “corrupting nexus.”
In this sense, in Moncloa they now say they are calm about the future statement of Ábalos, who has asked in extremis to postpone it to have time to study and prepare in depth his defense due to the “extensive” nature of the case. Government sources show their conviction that “Ábalos is going to protect himself and not shoot at the Government.” Contacts with the former minister are minimal. “We have said little,” they acknowledge, because the former all-powerful Secretary of Organization of the PSOE “got angry” at the firewall that the PSOE and Moncloa put up to short-circuit any replica that could occur outside the Ministry of Transport. He did not like the way in which the party opened an expulsion file for him from the PSOE and forced his departure from the parliamentary group to the Mixed, as well as the internal audit that Puente promoted upon his arrival to the portfolio, after learning of the scandal. Two movements that he interpreted as a “betrayal” and a witch hunt.
In the Executive they have loosened their ties with Ábalos. While there are some ministers, like Puente, who continue to maintain that “he is not a dishonest person” – “I have said many times that I would have to see it to believe it, and even seeing it, it would be difficult for me to believe it” – there are other leaders who prefer Don’t put your hand in the fire for him. However, both Ábalos and Moncloa have drawn up a common defense front that consists of “dismantling” Aldama. The former Minister of Transport himself has revealed that his strategy in court will be to deny everything that the UCO, the prosecutor and Aldama say in the National Court. That is, a self-defense strategy without the need to attack the Government. For now, Ábalos clings to the fact that he is neither formally expelled from the PSOE – the file has not yet been resolved – nor officially charged – at least until the request is processed. In fact, he wanted to demonstrate a proactive attitude and collaboration with Justice, asking to testify voluntarily in order to respond to the accusations against him and give an alternative version of the events with which he is accused.
The Central Operational Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard points to Ábalos as one of the main actors in this plot, granting him a “relevant and responsible role” in the entire network of alleged corruption that revolved around his right-hand man, Koldo. Garcia. The researchers draw a line between Víctor de Aldama, who acted as a liaison with the Ministry directed by Ábalos himself, and the creation of “corporate structures that operate under his control and direction.” Companies that, in any case, not only brought direct benefits in the economic section derived from “penetration in the Ministry”, but also used them for “illicit payment or gifts in order to ensure complicity with certain public workers.” . However, in recent months, Ábalos has struggled to offer his alternative version before the judge, and his appearance as a victim in the case was denied last September, after the audit carried out by Óscar Puente. He also tried it in November, as a prior step to requesting a voluntary declaration that is getting closer and closer.