Vox is a party ultranational, hierarchical and vertical. With a Caesarism which subjects everything to the service of the interests of the sole command. These are Some of the factors that have influenced Santiago Abascal’s decision to take over The five regional government agreements which he signed with the PP.
The official justification is the agreement that all the communities, except Catalonia, have revalidated to fulfil their obligation of inter-territorial solidarity and assistance to the Canary Islands, overwhelmed by the arrival of migrants and the overcrowding of unaccompanied minors. Vox demanded that the PP vote the same as ERC at the meeting.
But Abascal’s movement, which knocks out its territorial chargesit is not understood if the factor of the is not introduced “testosterone attack” Textual statement from one of its deputies in Extremadura, por Alberto Núñez Feijóo’s decision to support his challenge.
Abascal’s aggressiveness towards Feijóo comes from afar and only confirms the bad relationship that has always existed between the two. Also They are under pressure from the election resultsand that Vox has looked at the example of Marine Le Pen in France, and may be tempted to believe that it must leave the autonomous terrain, where it really does not care what happens, to play the game only on a national and medium-term basis.
Vox is an ultra-national, hierarchical and vertical party, in which only Madrid matters
The objective is Moncloa or to prevent the PP from forming a stable government on its own. The temptation to think that, if there is a repeat election in Catalonia, they can use the issue of migration as a banner must also be taken into account.
And, also, in the last general elections they lost votes. The Basque elections did not go well for them, nor did the Galician elections. In the Catalan elections they saved face. And in the European elections, in communities where they govern, such as Castile and Leon, they suffered a significant drop in vote percentage.
Vox’s leadership justifies this departure, which was unexpected until the day before yesterday, on two grounds: if there are Catalan elections in the short term, the situation of unaccompanied minors will serve them to put together a discourse, and secondly, it also gives them more strength at a national level to be outside the governments than to continue managing the public budget.
This is highly debatable because there is the “Monasterio way”, which reflects that this destabilizing of the PP governments from outside, putting barriers to most of the initiatives they present, led in Madrid to facilitating the absolute majority to Isabel Díaz Ayuso, first, and then to José Luis Martínez Almeida.
Vox is also being weighed down by the name of Alvise Pérez, leader of Se acaba la Fiesta, who in the European elections, fighting in the same niche as Vox, burst into the Community Parliament with three seats.
The national leadership of Vox is obsessed with blocking Alvise Pérez’s path, and this also explains its rapprochement in Europe with the Hungarian Prime Minister, Víktor Orbán, in the orbit of Moscow and Beijing.
The decision has shocked a party with no territorial organic strength
But the new political framework that Vox is clearing with its decision to break its alliances with the PP opens up new avenues for the Popular Party, which, if they get their discourse and strategy right, could end up being very profitable for Feijóo.
Abascal, who on so many occasions has ended up serving as a breath of fresh air for Sánchez, is now no longer the excuse that the President of the Government can permanently use to activate the left. It also opens a window of opportunity for him to explore the possibility of a motion of censure with Junts and with PNV.
Perhaps it is easier with the former because the Basque nationalists have a government pact with the PSE that can limit their scope of action a little more. Vox was the excuse during Sánchez’s investiture to not look towards the PP, despite the fact that the PNV has more than analysed that the socialists no longer add anything to them, and that even Sánchez’s continuity in Moncloa harms them. Compared to what is happening to Bildu.
The PP communities will follow the Madrid model. They will not call elections and will transfer all the pressure to Vox in each of the votes to portray them as a blocking element.
Now we will have to see if Vox is right when it maintains that migration can be used in a partisan way to gain electoral space or if the PP is right when it states that its commitment to inter-territorial solidarity, as a state and governing party, will allow it to grow in the centre.
In fact, Vox has left the government of Castilla y León for the reception of 21 minors; of the Valencian Community, for 23; of Murcia, for 16; of Aragon, for 20; and of Extremadura, for 30.
The question also remains as to how Vox will breathe internally, once the state of shock they find themselves in has cooled down. The outburst in Madrid leaves leaders who are part of a territorial machinery that has many holes and weaknesses without public pay and without notoriety. There are no barons, nor a party structure, in most communities, and their strength was in the positions they occupy.